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February 12, 2002 NEWS ADVISORY
Committee on International Relations FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Persecution of Religious Faithful in
China, Vietnam
WHAT: Hearing: Communist Entrenchment and Religious Persecution in China and Vietnam Subcommittee on Int’l Operations & Human Rights, U.S. Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Chairman WHEN: 1 p.m., Wednesday, February 13, 2002 WHERE: 2172 Rayburn House Office Bldg.
WITNESSES: PANEL I: Michael K. Young , Commissioner, U.S. Commission on Int’l Religious Freedom;PANEL II: Paul Marshal, Center for Religious Freedom, Freedom House; John Ackerly, International Campaign for Tibet; Ningfang Chen, Falun Gong practitioner; Vo Van Ai, Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam; Dan Duy-Tu Hoang, Vietnamese-American Public Affairs Committee.
What is the Purpose of the hearing?
The Subcommittee will serve as a conduit for presentation of new information and evidence derived from testimonials from victims of Chinese torture and persecution, to help ensure a place of prominence for human rights and religious freedom issues in the upcoming discussions between U.S. and Chinese officials.
Amnesty International’s 2001 survey of Vietnam noted that "religious critics of the government were subjected to surveillance, harassment and denial of basic freedoms, including freedom of expression." In October 2001, Vietnam’s government sentenced Roman Catholic priest Rev. Thaddeus Bguyen Van Ly to 15 years in prison for "undermining national unity" and "public slandering" of the Vietnamese Communist Party. His crime: giving written testimony to the U.S. Congress about religious persecution in Vietnam.
In August 2001, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom nominated China as one of the "world’s worst religious-freedom violators," subject to U.S. action under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998.
The hearing will examine the similarities in the internal conditions in China and Vietnam, the status of religious freedom in these countries, and the parallels in U.S. policy toward the two. In addition, the hearing will undertake an examination of the International Religious Freedom Act and the classification of China and Vietnam as "countries of particular concern." Top
Opening Statement by Hon. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Chair Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights for Hearing on: "Communist Entrenchment: Religious Persecution in China and Vietnam" Wednesday, February 13, 2002 1:00 p.m., 2172 Rayburn Building After the deplorable attacks of September 11th, President Bush established a nexus between terror and democratic principles. He rightly underscored that, it was not simply the United States, a powerful nation, which had been attacked. It was the ideas and beliefs that it represents -- the freedoms that it defends throughout the world -- which were the targets of the attacks. Conversely, the President illustrated the correlation that exists between the behavior of these states -- their treatment of their own population -- and their actions worldwide. Therefore, after unveiling the atrocities committed by the Taliban against women, religious and ethnic minorities, and its people in general, it became abundantly clear that a regime which had no regard for the lives nor for the basic human rights of its own people, could not possibly place any significance on the lives of Americans, thousands of miles away. And from the ashes of the World Trade Center and the Pentagon emerged a stronger, more determined United States -- a country with a reinvigorated vision of its global commitment and role as the vanguard of democratic principles and freedoms. Religious freedom has always been at the core of American life since the inception of our society. Its place as the first of ten freedoms enumerated in the Bill of Rights is a reflection of our Founding Father’s assessment of it as the cornerstone of liberty. It is therefore not surprising that the U.S. Congress placed such emphasis on the passage and enactment of the International Religious Freedom Act, which delineates U.S. policy, actions, and advocacy on behalf of individuals persecuted on account of their religious and spiritual beliefs. The application of the Act to the pernicious conditions found in China and Vietnam will be a crucial part of our discussions today -- discussions which will be guided by the testimony of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, a body created by the 1998 law. However, freedom of religion and conscience, are not concepts exclusive to the U.S. psyche. These are universal rights endowed to all human beings. The importance of safeguarding against religious oppression and defending those who are persecuted for their beliefs and spiritual conviction -- that is, the need for today’s hearing and related action -- is manifested in the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The preamble states that: "disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind." This Subcommittee and the U.S. Congress cannot be idle as Uighur Muslims are killed by members of China’s military police. We must give a voice to the increasing numbers of Falun Gong practitioners who are arrested, sent to labor camps, beatened, and tortured because they refuse to renounce their beliefs. It is this Subcommittee’s responsibility to serve as a conduit for the presentation of evidence about the persecution, horrific torture, and deaths of Tibetan worshipers, particularly monks and nuns, for the courage to practice their faith. It is our duty to highlight how Chinese officials have destroyed, closed or confiscated approximately 3,000 churches, temples and shrines (Christian, Buddhist and Daoist) in recent years. We cannot turn a blind eye to recent reports obtained by Freedom House detailing the arrests and severe beatings of at least 25 South China Christian Church followers and the torture of other members with electric prods. These deplorable and inhumane acts are part of a systematic and coordinated policy by China’s Communist regime to "smash" and "destroy" these "unauthorized religions" by whatever means necessary. We will hear testimony today from Freedom House detailing the contents of top secret Chinese government documents which provide chilling evidence of secret orders to persecute a wide range of religious and spiritual groups inside China. Two years ago, Freedom House obtained similar documents about the horrific practices designed and implemented by the Vietnamese authorities to severely suppress religious freedom. The similarities in the official documents of these two Communist regimes and the methods they employ, combined with the frightening parallels in their internal conditions regarding religious worship, required a joint examination of the religious persecution in the two countries. As has been noted in numerous reports on China and Vietnam, religious freedom is severely repressed in the manner common to Communist countries -- that is, through registration requirements; restricting religious practice to government-approved organizations and leaders; through monitoring and infiltration; through propaganda discrediting the nature or the various religions; and through coercive and violent forms of control. Both countries, according to the State Department’s International Religious Freedom Report, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and others, have taken major steps backward, particularly in the realm of religious freedom and tolerance. In Vietnam, the terrifying abuses against the Montagnard people of the Central Highlands, have been the subject of numerous human rights reports and recent articles. These chronicle how Vietnamese authorities destroy Montagnard church buildings, burn their house-churches, and force them to drink a mixture of liquor, goat’s blood, raw chicken liver, and raw pig’s intestine -- all in an attempt to force them to renounce God and promise not to tell others about Christianity. Members of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam and the Hoa Hao Buddhists have been disappeared, threatened, persecuted, and targeted for arrest. The Unified Buddhist Church’s top patriarch remains under house arrest. Another senior spiritual leader of the Unified Buddhist Church died while under house arrest in January of this year. He had spent nine years in one of Vietnam’s squalid jail cells under trumped up charges of trying to overthrow the Communist regime in Hanoi. In March of last year, two to four million Hoa Hao Buddhists were forcibly prevented to assemble on their sacred ground. Key leaders were arrested or their houses surrounded by police. Other devotees were reportedly detained on their way to the site. The preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights talks about a world where people enjoy "freedom from fear" and persecution. Unfortunately for the Hmong Christians in Vietnam, this is only a dream. They must also endure the most horrific forms of suppression of their religious liberties. To summarize the disdain demonstrated by Vietnamese authorities toward the fundamental freedoms guaranteed to its people as human beings, I must mention the arrests of dissidents on the eve of the debate on the House floor of the Vietnam Human Rights Act and would like to end my statement with the case of Roman Catholic priest Father Thaddeus Van Ly. He was sentenced in October 2001 to 15 years in prison for "undermining national unity" and "public slandering" of the Vietnamese Communist Party. His crime: giving written testimony to the U.S. Congress about religious persecution in Vietnam. Thus, as President Bush prepares to embark on his tour of Asian countries, including meetings and a press conference with Chinese leader, Jiang (yahn) Zemin(zeh-mihn), we ask him and his advisers to listen to the testimony which will be presented here today and use it as a catalyst. Let the U.S. send a message throughout China and throughout the East Asian region and the world, that this country proudly stands with the oppressed and will continue to fight for their right to practice their religion and beliefs. Top
TESTIMONY OF MICHAEL K. YOUNG,
Commission Chair Michael K. Young testifies about religious freedom in China and
Vietnam before the House International Relations Committee Subcommittee on
International Operations and Human Rights.
Testimony
of Paul Marshall,
Senior Fellow, Center for Religious Freedom,
Freedom House
before the
House Committee on International Relations
Subcommittee on
International Operations and Human Rights
February 13, 2002
Thank you, Madame Chairman for the opportunity to testify before this subcommittee on these issues of religious persecution in China and Vietnam. Freedom House commends you and the members of the subcommittee for holding this important hearing. I respectfully request that my full written testimony be entered into the record as I will be summarizing it. China Freedom House’s Center for Religious Freedom is alarmed by mounting repression against the major religious and spiritual groups in China – Protestant Christians, Roman Catholics, Tibetan Buddhists, Falun Gong, and Uighur Muslims. We are concerned that some dozen Catholic bishops are in prison or under house arrest, including Bishop Su Zhimin of Baoding in Hebei Province, who has been disappeared/in custody since October 1997, according to the Cardinal Kung Foundation. I wish to enter into the record today’s press release of the Vatican-based press service, Fides. I will focus the remainder of my remarks concerning China on what has been revealed in secret, Chinese government documents, released this week, detailing an official crackdown
against large, unregistered churches and other religious groups
nationwide. Copies of the documents, along with translations, were provided to
Freedom House’s Center for Religious Freedom by Mr. Shixiong Li and Mr. Xiqiu
(Bob) Fu of the New York-based Committee for Investigation on Persecution of
Religion in China. The Center had the official documents authenticated by
renowned expert and exiled former Chinese government journalist, Su Xiaokang and
it released a detailed analysis of the documents on February 11.
The seven
documents, issued between April 1999 and October 2001, detail the goals and
actions of China’s national, provincial and local security officials in
repressing religion. (The Freedom House analysis and links to the seven
documents are available online at:
www.freedomhouse.org/religion).
They show that China’s government, at the highest levels, aims to repress
religious expression outside its control, and is using more determined,
systematic and harsher criminal penalties in this effort. Hu Jin-tao,
designated as the successor of President Jiang Zemin is quoted in the document
as endorsing the drive against the Real God church. The Minister of Public
Security is quoted giving the order to “smash the cult quietly.” (Document 4).
Ye Xiaowen, the
head of China’s Religious Affairs Bureau, wrote in January 2002 that repression
is not working and suggested that a more nuanced approach is needed. In fact,
the documents reveal that a brutal, but more clandestine approach, is being
employed to crush unregistered churches and religious groups.
As a result, normal
religious activity is criminalized, and, as the December death sentences brought
against South China church Pastor Gong Shengliang and several of his co-workers
attest, the directives outlined in these documents are being carried out with
ruthless determination.
Several documents
focus on measures to “smash" the Christian South China church and the Real God
church, which, Chinese authorities state, rivals Falun Gong in its reach and
dangerous effects. Other documents list several Christian churches, Falun Gong,
the Unification Church, and other banned religious groups. In all, 14 religious
groups are identified in Document 1 as “evil cults.”
The documents
indicate that Beijing may feel it is losing its battle to control religious
expression. They note with palpable alarm that the Real God group is growing
rapidly throughout 22 Chinese provinces. Document 4 says that “inner circles” of
the communist party and government officials have secretly joined the banned
Real God church, and instructs officials to find out who among them are members
of the group.
The documents are
notable for their crudeness in understanding the religions the government
purports to control. Revealing a fundamental misunderstanding or deliberate
misinterpretation of the New Testament, Document 1 uses a basic Christian
doctrine that Christ is in every believer to accuse churches of “deifying” their
leaders, a practice defined as "cult-like." China is an officially atheist state
that -- as Center Director Nina Shea found out first-hand while participating
in the official U.S.-China human rights dialogue last fall -- arrogates to
itself the authority to define orthodoxy, determine dogma and designate
religious leaders.
Document 2 betrays
deep paranoia on the part of Chinese officials. It raises particular concerns
about public unrest over China’s entry into the WTO which it ties to Western
support of democracy movements (“Democratic Party of China”), and religious
groupings, especially Falun Gong; it accuses the Vatican of “still waiting for
any opportunity to… draw the patriotic religious believers up to them and incite
them to rebel.”
In Document 4,
“Praying for world peace,” ecumenical relations between churches, printing
religious publications, and developing a diocesan, parish and prayer group-like
organizational structure, are all seen as dangerous activities.
Document 4 also
views with alarm ecumenical relations between the Protestant house-church Real
God and the underground Catholic Church. Real God is also said to have ties with
Tianenmen Square student protest leaders.
Measures to be
taken against banned religious groups include surveillance, the deployment of
special undercover agents, the gathering of “criminal evidence,” “complete
demolition” of a group’s organizational system, interrogation, and arrest, as
well as the confiscation of church property, and homes in which meetings are
held. Document 2 repeatedly refers to the use of “secret agents” to infiltrate
“cults,” underground Catholics, businesses, joint ventures, people with
“complicated political backgrounds,” prestigious colleges and universities, and
other organizations. President Bush, who has
repeatedly voiced concern for religious oppression in China, should speak out
forcefully and publicly in support of religious freedom during his state visit
to China next week. Vietnam
In 2001, while
Vietnam sought to gain full normalization of relations with the United States
with the approval of the Bilateral Trade Agreement by Congress, it intensified
persecution against all non-approved religious communities. Freedom of religion
continues to be severely curtailed and followers were subjected to grave
abuses of their freedoms and rights. Secret Vietnamese government documents
released by the Center for Religious Freedom over the past two years, titled
“Directions for Stopping Religion” and “Correct Thinking in Vietnam”, reveal
government policies to repress tribal Christians. The major concerns are :
Buddhists:
The independent Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV) remains the major
target of religious repression. The UBCV Supreme Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang
(84-years-old) continued to be held under house arrest in the remote village
of Nghia Hanh in Quang Ngai Province after 20 years of detention without trial.
In 2001, Security Police repeatedly subjected him to interrogations and
harassment. Supreme Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang is seriously ill as a result of
harsh detention conditions and malnutrition, yet he is refused access to medical
care.
In May-June
2001, a widespread crackdown was launched against the UBCV. All over
Central and Southern Vietnam, UBCV Pagodas were surrounded, and phone lines to
115 Pagodas were cut. Hundreds of UBCV monks and nuns were placed under house
arrest. On June 1, the Ho Chi Minh Police sentenced Thich Quang Do to two years
“administrative detention.” He is still detained incommunicado at the Thanh Minh
Zen Monastery in Saigon, deprived of all right to communicate or receive visits.
The crackdown on the UBCV was launched after Venerable Thich Quang Do announced
his intent to lead a delegation of UBCV monks and followers to Quang Ngai to
escort detained Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang to Saigon for medical treatment. In
September 2001, repression against the UBCV reached such a pitch that a
leader of the “Buddhist Youth Movement”, 61-year-old lay-Buddhist Ho Tan Anh
immolated himself in protest on September 2nd 2001 in the central
city of Danang.
Hoa Hao:
Several members of this Buddhist group were arrested and detained in 2001 for
taking part in celebrations of their founder, Huynh Phu So. Truong Van Duc and
Ho Van Truong were sentenced, respectively, to 12 and 4 years in prison by a
court in An Giang Province on May 11, 2001.
Catholics:
On October 19, 2001, 55-year-old Father Thadeus Nguyen Van Ly, a Roman
Catholic priest from the diocese of Hue in Central Vietnam was sentenced to 15
years in prison and 5 years probationary detention at a one-day, closed trial in
Hue on charges of “undermining national solidarity.” He had been arrested on May
17 and detained incommunicado for 5 months on charges of “blackening socialist
Vietnam and distorting the party and state policies” for testimony he had
submitted to the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, as the
annual U.S. State Department religion reports note. Father Ly had previously
spent 10 years in prison for his religious beliefs. The government also
continues to restrict the number of entrants and graduates from seminaries and
the number ordained, thereby creating an acute shortage of priests and
suppressing Catholic religious expression.
Protestants:
While Vietnam has shown some increased openness with registered groups,
legalizing the Evangelical Church of Vietnam (South) (ECVS) on March 16, 2001,
it has attacked other protestant groups ferociously. Christians in the Northwest
and in Northern and Central Highlands have in the last year been persecuted,
beaten and arrested on account of their beliefs. In February-March 2001,
thousands of ethnic Christian Montagnard tribespeople in the Central Highlands
demonstrated to protest official confiscation of land and a government ban on
conversion to Protestantism. The authorities reacted by deploying troops,
helicopters and riot police to brutally quell the protests, and forced people to
renounce their Christianity. Martial law has since been installed in the Central
Highlands and a media black-out has been imposed. Hundreds of Montagnards have
fled to Cambodia to seek political asylum, and many have been forcibly
repatriated. At a closed trial on September 26, 2001, fourteen Montagnards were
condemned to sentences of between 6 and 12 years in prison for taking part in
demonstrations in the provinces of Dak Lak and Gia Lai. In late December, 2001,
Siu Kron, Rmah Nui and three other Montagnard Christians were reportedly
tortured to get them to reveal the location of a Christmas prayer vigil. About a
dozen others were arrested. The Montagnard Foundation reports that 300 Degar (Montagnard)
refugees were stopped as they attempted to flee to Cambodia. The Foundation
gives information on 169 of these, including women and children, who were
subsequently tortured. In this respect the January 12, 2002, tripartite
agreement between Cambodia, Vietnam and the UNHCR to (nonvoluntarily) repatriate
1,000 Montagnards currently in Vietnam is a cause of great concern.
The government has
also systematically attacked Christians among the Hmong in the Northwest. It has
threatened to destroy the homes of those who do not reconvert, and forces people
to destroy their own homes, before being chased away. About 10,000 Hmong
Christians have fled the area in the last five years. I have appended a list
from a reliable source in Vietnam of twenty Hmong church leaders who were in
prison as of January 2002. I have also appended three official complaints to the
Vietnamese government from Hmong Christians that describe their being subject to
forced conversion, beatings and being driven from their homes.
Committee on International Relations
Statement of John Ackerly,
President February 13, 2002
Thank you Madam Chairwoman for
inviting us to testify before this Committee. In the last year there have been no
significant improvements in religious freedom in Tibet. The highest-ranking
religious leader left inside Tibet, the Panchen Lama, remains in detention since
1995. And the elderly teacher who was the
head of the monastery where the Panchen Lama should be in training today,
Chadrel Rimpoche, was scheduled to be released from prison last summer and then
last month, but China has inexplicably refused to release him. These are two foremost examples of
China's continued repression of Tibetan Buddhism which President Bush should
raise when he visits China later this month. He should raise these issues not
only because religious freedom is a priority of the United States, but because
it is a priority of the Tibetan people and is at the very heart of Tibetan
culture. There has been one recent, notable
release of a political prisoner, Ngawang Choephel, a Tibet Fulbright scholar who
studied ethno-musicology at Middlebury College. Arrested while conducting
research in Tibet in 1995 and sentenced to 18 years on a trumped up charge of
espionage, he was released in January after serving more than a third of his
sentence. Ngawang Choephel was the opposite of prominent leaders such as the
Panchen Lama and Chadrel Rimpoche, which partially explains why it was he who
was released. He was one of the thousands of unknown young Tibetan boys and
girls swept through a brutal system maintained by China's occupation forces in
Tibet. His only distinction was that he had studied at Middlebury College in
Vermont, and if it weren't for the perseverance of the Vermont Congressional
delegation, he would certainly still be in prison. This shows that pressure can work in
some cases, but it also shows that China is still apparently unwilling to make
significant steps toward improving in human rights and religious freedom in
Tibet. The President should also raise the
systemic, structural forms of religious repression in Tibet in addition to the
imprisonment of prominent religious leadership. China permits a carefully
orchestrated degree of religious freedom for laity and officially sanctioned
monks and nuns. In addition, there are many monks and nuns practicing their
religion outside of China's strict bureaucracy and regulations, often simply
because they live in such remote areas that the long arm of the police state has
not yet reached them. China's emphasis on building more roads and now a railroad
to Tibet is in part meant to address this. A majority of traffic on many roads
in Tibet is the military and security services and they are still the primary
beneficiary of Tibet's transportation network. Tibetans, and Tibet's economy,
are secondary beneficiaries. Last year, China's strict regulations
controlling permissible expressions of Buddhism came sharply into focus at two
remote locations in eastern Tibet, now under Sichuan Province: Larung Gar and
Yachen Gar. At both of these monastic centers, and there are likely more that we
don't even know about, Chinese security personnel came and demolished or ordered
the demolition of large parts of the monks' and nuns' living quarters and
expelled thousands of monks and nuns. China maintains limits on the numbers of
monks and nuns allowed at each monastery, often not allowing entrance into a
monastery before the age of 18 and forcing monks to leave after the age of 60.
Chinese officials have established these and other kinds of restrictions on
religion to ensure that the rejuvenation of Tibetan Buddhism and culture does
not outpace the nearby Chinese governmental infrastructure to keep control of
it. Crackdown at Larung Gar "Two armed policemen entered my wood
hut and threw my Buddha statue on the floor. They dragged me out of the hut and
one of the policemen tossed my daily recitation book [of Buddhist scripture]
into the wood stove," a nun recalled of her treatment in June of last year. "It
is just like in the late 1960s,"she said, referring to the massive destruction
of Tibetan monasteries during the Cultural Revolution. The destruction at Larung Gar, to be
repeated at Yachen Gar later in the year, is ominously reminiscent of the
physical destruction of monasteries in the Cultural Revolution. Over two
thousand mediation huts and homes were reportedly destroyed at Larung Gar.
(mention of the photos ICT obtained). The crackdown was overseen by an
official named Wang, head of the "United Front" for Sichuan province, according
to new reports. He is known as Wang Putrang, ("chief Wang"). Wang led officials
from the United Front in Beijing and troops of armed police and work teams that
descended upon Larung Gar to carry out the expulsions and demolition in June.
Although their living quarters were torn down and monks and nuns were expelled,
no retaliation by monks or nuns was reported. Larung Gar is a monastic encampment,
not a monastery, and its inhabitants have come on their own accord based on
Larung Gar's reputation that has spread by word of mouth. Students have been
drawn by a charismatic teacher, Khenpo Jigme Phuntsok, who established Larung
Gar a decade ago as mountain hermitage. Its monks and nuns from all areas of
Tibet and China form a loose-knit community where students have to provide for
themselves and are not under the formal control of any abbot. The encampment numbered between
7,000-8,000 monks and nuns, of which nearly 1,000 were Chinese. The majority of
the inhabitants were nuns. Often the Tibetans who came to this remote area
study for a limited period of time before returning to their home monastery to
teach others. Larung Gar is a place where "the
sacred landscape of Tibet was being revived," and is a "marked contrast to the
alienated state in which institutionalized Buddhism finds itself in many parts
of Tibet," according to Professor David Germano of the University of Virginia in
the 1998 book Buddhism in Contemporary Tibet. Because of the unique opportunity
to receive a comprehensive Buddhist education, Larung Gar was one of the few
places on the Tibet Plateau that was attracting students. That is now a thing
of the past. Today, Larung Gar is neither attracting students, nor training them
as it once was. The official ceiling of 1,000 monks and 400 nuns is now being
enforced, dealing a severe blow to one of the very few institutions in Tibet
which was providing genuine and complete religious training for monks and nuns. It is also important to note that
there was no political activity at Larung Gar which authorities deemed
subversive. This crackdown was entirely based on religion exceeding the narrow,
strictly controlled scope that China has deemed appropriate. Crackdown at Yachen Gar Just months after the demolition of
thousands of homes at the Larung Gar monastic encampment in Serthar, Chinese
authorities ordered the demolishing of monks and nuns living quarters at Yachen,
another large monastic encampment in eastern Tibet. As of October 10, more than
800 homes had been destroyed at Yachen Gar by order of the Pelyul (Chinese:
Baiyu) County Government officials. According to recent interviews with
four nuns who have fled Yachen Gar after their homes were destroyed, work teams
of five to nine officials from Pelyul came to Yachen every other week from July
to the beginning of September. The nuns said officials were making extensive
notes and maps of the monastic encampment situated in the remote grasslands of
Tromthar in eastern Tibet. During the first week of September
officials arrived and painted numbers on the houses marked for destruction along
with the Chinese character "chai" (meaning "demolish"). Officials told the nuns
that only those monks and nuns from Pelyul County could remain at Yachen and
that if their homes had been marked with the Chinese character "chai," the monks
and nuns themselves must destroy their home. If they did not destroy their
homes, a work team would come and demolish the home and the monk or nun would be
charged 200 Yuan ($25), the nuns said. The official government notice said, "If
these homes are not destroyed, Pelyul County People's Government will forcefully
demolish the living quarters, and in accordance with the current legal
framework, legal action will be taken against those individuals who have not
abided by this order." Monks Flee to India Are Tibetans content with the
carefully calculated amounts of religious freedom that China permits? Two of the
very top religious leaders in Tibet, the Karmapa and Ajia Rimpoche, voted with
their feet: they fled to exile, citing the impossibility of exercising their
religious duties under the demands that China imposes on religious leaders. Of the approximately 3,000 Tibetans
who flee to India each year, about one third are monks and nuns. Some have been
imprisoned and mistreated, others expelled from a monastery or nunnery, and
others simply cite their desire to receive a religious education that they
cannot obtain in Tibet. Another factor cited by many monks is the ongoing intrusion of “work teams,” teams of officials who come to monasteries for days or weeks and conduct political reeducation classes. The teams force monks and nuns to state their loyalty to the Party, to the Party’s choice of reincarnations, such as the Panchen Lama, and to renounce the Dalai Lama. This process is also, of course, a calculated way to uncover who harbors nationalist views and who is willing to publicly verbalize them. Work teams also inspect the monastery to see if they display banned photos of the Dalai Lama. Recommendations: The International Campaign for Tibet
and our colleagues in the human rights community continue to battle for serious
consideration of human rights in the foreign policy debate. The Presidents'
summit in Beijing is an important focus for us and the many Americans who
support our work. In the last week alone, thousands of Americans have sent
messages to the White House asking President Bush to honor the commitment he
gave to the Dalai Lama to urge a negotiated solution for Tibet when he meets
with President Jiang. In addition to the opportunity for a
frank discussion with President Jiang on Tibet, President Bush should use the
occasion of his remarks at Qinghua University to express concern for the
fundamental importance of religious freedom in Tibet. The importance of dialogue between
the Chinese leadership and the Dalai Lama or his representatives cannot be
underestimated for the realization of human rights and especially religious
freedom in Tibet. Although the Chinese government claims to guarantee religious
freedom for its citizens, that guarantee merely papers over a policy of control
and repression which is causing further resentment of Chinese rule and
undermining the ability of Tibetan Buddhism to transmit teachings from one
generation to another. Important religious leaders and many
clergy continue to be held for their religious beliefs and we ask the President
to urge for their immediate release, including the Panchen Lama and Chadrel
Rinpoche, whose sentence has already expired. In addition there is a group of
14 Tibetan nuns who have suffered terrible torture and reprisals in Drapchi
prison and whose sentences have been extended in connection with singing songs
of freedom while in prison. Among them are Ngawang Sangdrol, who has already
served nearly 10 out of 22 years in prison and Phuntsog Nyidron who has served
12 out of 17 years. Both are imprisoned for peaceful expressions of their
national identity. We also call on the Administration
not to bargain away U.S. concern for human rights in Tibet at the upcoming
session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva which starts
on March 16. The U.S. should stand firm and express our desire to support and
co-sponsor a resolution on China if there are not significant human rights
improvements. The International Campaign for Tibet
would also ask the administration to press for an invitation for the UN Special
Rapporteur on Religious Freedom to conduct a return visit to Tibet this year to
assess any progress made in implementing the recommendations resulting from his
November 1994 visit. In addition the U.S. should press for an agreement to the
terms of a visit by the new UN Special Rapporteur on Torture and Ill-Treatment
including a visit to Tibet. Finally, we want to reiterate how
important the vigilance of the U.S. Congress has been for the people of Tibet
and their struggle for human rights and religious freedom. Top
Congressional Subcommittee Hearings: Religious Persecution
in Vietnam & China Mr. Chairman, distinguished Committee Members, Ladies
and Gentlemen: My name is Ningfang Chen. I’m
60 years old and a US permanent resident, living in New Jersey. I thank you for
holding this important hearing as it gives millions of Chinese Falun Gong
practitioners an opportunity to voice their sufferings, as the Communist regime’s
persecution intensifies in China. Since I cannot read English very fast, I’ll
ask my daughter, Ying Chen, to read my testimony. I am a flutist and my husband a cellist. In 1963 we
joined the Central Philharmonic Orchestra—China’s
most prestigious orchestra—and
worked there until we retired in 1996. My husband was also the manager of the
Orchestra for 8 years. In our 33-year career with the Orchestra, we have made
recordings of symphonies, chamber music, music for small ensembles, motion
picture soundtracks, and so on. We performed for China’s
most distinguished guests, including many presidents and prime ministers. We
have performed with Isaac Stern, Seiji Osawa, Yehudi Menuhin, and others
world-known musicians. We toured with the Orchestra throughout China, in the
United States, and in many other countries. Because of our outstanding
contribution to music, the Central Philharmonic Society and the Ministry of
Culture of China specially honored both of us with the lifelong title of "The Country’s
First-Class Artists."
We enjoy the prestige and are well-respected in China. We had a nice family, too. My son, Gang Chen, has a
beautiful wife and had a good job—a
manager in a foreign company in Beijing. He was good at his job and everyone in
the company respects him. My daughter, Ying Chen, is a manager in a major US
corporation. We are a close family, and all of us practice Falun Gong. Shortly
after my husband and I started practicing, all of our health problems
disappeared. By following Truthfulness-Compassion-Forbearance—the
principles of Falun Gong—in
our everyday life, we gained peace in our hearts, enjoyed good health, and were
living a more fulfilling life. However, since the persecution of Falun Gong in July,
1999, our lives were turned upside down. On the morning of July 20, 1999, my son was taken into
police custody from the park where he did the Falun Gong exercises every day. He
was detained for 10 days, and put into a series of brainwashing classes. Our
home in Beijing has been ransacked twice; every possession related to Falun Gong
has been confiscated; our phone is tapped, and even friends who called us to
express support for Falun Gong have been sent to "re-education,"
that is, brainwashing, classes, even if they are not practitioners themselves.
On days considered "sensitive"
by the police, we were forced to stay in the local police station the entire
day. In November 1999, my husband was expelled from the Communist party because
he refused to renounce the practice of Falun Gong, despite the fact that he has
always been widely acknowledged by his colleagues to be an honest and upright
man. Since we experienced firsthand the benefits of
practicing Falun Gong, we wanted to peacefully tell the Government the truth
about Falun Gong. So in November 1999, my son went to the Bureau of Appeals in
Beijing to make peaceful appeals for Falun Gong as an individual citizen. But
just for making the appeal—a
right provided by China’s
Constitution—he
was detained in the Chaoyang Detention Center for 30 days without any official
reason. In February 2000, it was reported in the news that
Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji visited the Bureau of Appeals and told the staff that
the Bureau of Appeals should be a window and a bridge through which the
Government could connect to the people. After watching this news on television,
my husband and I thought that the Government might start listening to us, so we
visited the Bureau of Appeals the next day. What happened to us, however, was no
different from what happened to our son—the
police took us to the Chaoyang Detention Center straight from the Bureau of
Appeals. We were separated into female and male cells, and
jailed next to thieves, prostitutes, murderers, drug dealers, etc. In my cell,
half of the people were Falun Gong practitioners who were detained without any
legitimate reason. The condition in China’s
detention centers is extremely terrifying. To give you an idea, here are some
examples: About thirty people shared one wooden board for sleeping, and each
person had a space less than one foot wide. So there wasn’t
even room for us to lie on our back—we
had to lie sideways! And to save room, we had to lie in such a way that the feet
of the person on either side of me were next to my head! We had to sit on hard
wood for most of the day, and were forced to watch propaganda each night. We
were only allowed to go out of our cells for ten minutes on certain weekdays
(when the guards felt like it). We could only wash ourselves from a faucet, and
were given limited amount of hot water each day. In my husband’s
cell, 6 people would share one plastic spoon when they ate. They had to go to
the bathroom at a specified time, and had to finish within a few minutes. What
helped us go through these terrible treatments was our strong belief that we did
not do anything wrong, and that a person should practice
Truthfulness-Compassion-Forbearance in any circumstances. In the Detention Center, some Falun Gong practitioners
went on hunger strikes to protest the violation of their most basic rights, and
they were put through the painful process of force-feeding and were tortured.
One Falun Gong practitioner in my cell was forced to wear handcuffs all the
time, and she had big blisters because of it. I also saw a Falun Gong
practitioner painfully walking with her hands chained to her feet—she
couldn’t
stand up at all. We were released after 30 days in detention. Yet, the
ordeal was far from over. At 1:00 a.m. on June 25, 2000, while we were sleeping,
about 17 or 18 security agents suddenly showed up in our home and took my son
and I to a detention center. As of today we still haven’t
been given any explanation for it. At the Detention Center of the Beijing Public
Security Department’s
7th Division, I relived the nightmare of detention for another 30 days. When I
was released, my son was not. And about a month later we learned through the
company where my son worked that he had been sent to Tuanhe Labor Camp in the
suburb of Beijing to serve a one-year term. He then lost his job. We found out from different sources that in the labor
camp my son was often not allowed to sleep. He was forced to do a lot of manual
labor while others were sleeping, and at least at one point he was not allowed
to sleep for more than 10 consecutive days. He was also badly beaten by a group
of people there. They tied him up tightly with his head touching his legs before
they beat him and left him under a bed for hours after the beating. He was
severely injured. How can any mother bear to learn this kind of news about her
child! All of this torture was to change his mind! Although inmates at this
Labor Camp are allowed to be visited by their families once a month, visitation
rights for my son were arbitrarily denied many times. Even at the times when we
were able to see him briefly, we couldn’t
say much because our conversations were always monitored. I could only imagine
what he was going through. On June 25th, 2001, the end of his one-year term,
someone at the
"610"
Office phoned his wife that they had decided to keep him in the Labor Camp for
another 6 months. The reason they gave was that he had not met their "requirements."
My son is a good young man. As parents, nothing pains us more than knowing that
he was undergoing all kinds of inhumane treatments. On December 25th, 2001, his 6-month extension was up.
But instead of releasing him, they detained him for another 10 days before
letting him go free. All of these things have been done arbitrarily in the
absence of any trial or legal procedures. He was finally allowed to go home on
January 4, 2002, but he is still so closely monitored that we cannot talk over
the phone or in e-mails about what he went through and what they are doing to
him now. A few days ago some people told his wife that he would be arrested
again soon. Not a single day goes by when I don’t
think about what my son has gone through. I worry deeply about what may happen
to him under that regime. It’s
painful for me to remember his bright smile, his strong body, his hearty
laughter, and his sweet expressions. He used to be so happy and healthy. We are musicians and have no political interests
whatsoever. We have not done anything against the Government. We simply wanted
to seek a balanced life for health and spirituality by following the practice of
Falun Gong, a part of traditional culture, and exercised our rights as
guaranteed in the Chinese Constitution. But because of this, we went from
well-respected artists to prisoners! The suppression of Falun Gong is against the will of
the Chinese people. They try to deceive people using state-run media and
propaganda, but most people we ran into respected us nonetheless. After getting
to know the practice of Falun Gong and the practitioners, many inmates and even
some guards at the Detention Centers respectfully called me "aunt
Chen", "teacher Chen,"
etc. Some inmates said, "if
I had known about the principles Falun Gong teaches, we would not have committed
the crimes." Some
even told us that they would learn Falun Gong after they get out of jail; some
started learning it from us in the Detention Center. One policeman said to me: "I know that you’re
good people. But because Jiang Zemin doesn’t
allow you to practice, we have no choice." Our family’s
experience is only one case out of the millions of the Falun Gong practitioners
in China. Many of their sufferings are much, much worse, but they don’t
have the opportunity to tell their stories. This modern-day human atrocity has
lasted too long. My family's story is only one case out of millions of
stories like this in China. Actually, many of those stories are much worse.
Countless families of Falun Gong practitioners have been destroyed, with small
children deprived of their parents, forced divorces, forced abortions, and
deaths by painful torture. These others do not have the opportunity to speak
outside China and tell their stories of terror. We particularly appreciate the generous support from
the US Congress, and the rest of the world. By speaking out for justice and
human rights, we hope to soon bring an end to this relentless persecution and
save the lives of millions of Falun Gong practitioners in China. Thank you.
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Testimony by VO VAN AI
Madam Chairwoman, I would like to thank you for giving me this opportunity to testify on behalf of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam at this critically important Hearing in Congress today. Coming in the aftermath of the shattering events of September 11th, this Hearing underscores the crucial role of religious tolerance in combating extremism to build a peaceful world. It also allows us to sound the alarm on another form of terrorism that is wreaking destruction on a massive scale – the terrorism of States against their people. In China and Vietnam, totalitarian regimes wage a daily war of terror against their own citizens, crushing their democratic aspirations and brutally violating their fundamental freedoms and rights. 2001 was a black year for religious freedom in Vietnam. It was also a year of paradox : Hanoi obtained one of its most coveted awards – the ratification of the U.S.-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement by Congress – at the same time that it embarked on a frenzied repression campaign against Buddhists, Montagnard Christians, Catholics, Protestants and Hoa Hao followers all over Vietnam. Buddhism, Vietnam’s most widely practised religion, is a major target of religious persecution because of the continuing conflict between Hanoi and Buddhists of the independent Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV). Since the Communist Party took power after the end of the Vietnam war, it has systematically suppressed the UBCV, seizing its property, banning its activities and placing its members in prison or under house arrest. The reason for this fierce repression is that the UBCV has an authority independent of the ruling one-Party state. Representing a religious tradition of over 20 centuries and adhered to by over three quarters of the Vietnamese population, the UBCV represents a tradition of social activism unique in South East Asia. For UBCV Buddhists, practising Compassion does not just mean meditation and prayer, but an active engagement in the daily combat against social injustice and oppression. Buddhists are thus at the forefront of the movement for religious freedom, democracy and human rights in Vietnam, and because of this, Hanoi’s leadership is intensifying efforts to suppress the independent UBCV: l Only last month, on January 21st 2002, Venerable Thich Duc Nhuan, one of the UBCV’s most respected leaders and prominent dissident died under house arrest in Saigon. A fierce advocate of democracy and human rights, he was placed under house arrest in June 2001 after a nation-wide clamp-down against the UBCV. He had previously spent nine years in reeducation camp for his religious beliefs. Immediately after his death, Security Police sealed off Thich Duc Nhuan’s room at the Giac Minh Pagoda and seized all his personal papers. The family were ordered to cremate his body immediately instead of burying him to prevent his grave from becoming a focus point for UBCV dissent. No funeral ovation was allowed. Many UBCV monks and nuns from the central provinces and Saigon were prevented from attending the funeral, and Security Police detained Thich Khong Tanh and a number of other monks for interrogation, releasing them only after the funeral was over. l The UBCV’s Deputy leader and Nobel Peace prize nominee Thich Quang Do was arrested several times in 2001 and is now detained incommunicado at the Thanh Minh Zen Monastery in Saigon. He was first arrested for launching a landmark “Appeal for Democracy in Vietnam” in February, on the eve of the Vietnamese Communist Party’s Ninth Congress in Hanoi. (I respectfully submit the full text of this Appeal for entry in the Hearing record). The appeal, a radical 8-point transition plan for democratic change, received overwhelming international support, with the endorsement of over a hundred international personalities and some 300,000 Vietnamese around the world. Thirty six prominent Members of Congress – many of whom are on the distinguished panel today - hailed the Appeal as a “enormous leap forward in the democracy movement” because it sought to rally together Vietnamese of all different religious denominations and political affiliations in a common democratic initiative. Thich Quang Do was accused of “threatening national security”, and repeatedly interrogated by the Ho Chi Minh City Police. Controls were intensified around the Thanh Minh Zen Monastery, and Thich Quang Do’s telephone was cut off on April 9th.
l
UBCV Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang was also subjected to intensified Police
controls. Police surrounded the Phuoc Quang Pagoda in Nghia Hanh district, Quang
Ngai Province, where Thich Huyen Quang has been detained without trial since
1982, blocking all visits and communications. The 84-year-old Patriarch even
received death threats from the local Security Police who claimed that the “CIA”
was plotting to assassinate him. Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang and
Venerable Thich Quang Do have both spent more than 20 years in prison for
their advocacy of religious freedom and human rights.
l
In May-June, the
authorities launched a full-scale crack-down on the UBCV. This was sparked off
by a letter written to the Vietnamese leadership by Thich Quang Do on March
29th,
in which he called on the Vietnamese government to immediately
release Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang and allow him to return to Saigon for
medical care. Thich Huyen Quang, who suffers from high blood-pressure, arthritis
and stomach ulcers, is gravely ill as a result of harsh detention conditions.
Thich Quang Do announced that if the Patriarch was not released before June
2001, he would personally lead a delegation to Quang Ngai to escort him to
Saigon.
This announcement unleashed a wave of Police repression against UBCV followers all over central and southern Vietnam. UBCV Pagodas in Saigon, Nha Trang, Phu Yen, Binh Dinh, Quang Nam, Da Nang and Hue were surrounded, and phone lines to 115 Pagodas were cut. Hundreds of UBCV monks and nuns were placed under house arrest, and subjected to quasi-daily interrogations. 108 UBCV monks who were preparing to join Thich Quang Do’s delegation to Quang Ngai were harassed, beaten and forcibly obstructed by Security agents and gangs of youths acting in connivance with the local Police. l On June 1st, 30 Security Police and local officials broke into the Thanh Minh Zen Monastery and sentenced Thich Quang Do to two years “administrative detention”. Thich Quang Do is now denied all contacts with the outside and not even allowed to visit the hospital to receive treatment for his diabetes, high blood pressure and stomach disorders. A jamming device has been set up outside the Pagoda to block telephone communications, and the local Post Offices and fax kiosks have received strict instructions not to accept any letters or faxes sent by Thich Quang Do. A Member of the European Parliament, Olivier Dupuis, attempted to visit him on June 6th, and staged a peaceful protest outside the Monastery calling for the monks’ release. Mr Dupuis was arrested and immediately deported by the Ho Chi Minh City Police. The Vietnamese Government has announced that Thich Quang Do’s two year sentence is a “reactivation” of a 5-year probationary detention sentence for which he was amnestied in 1998. This is a gross violation of international law. The “reactivation” of an amnestied sentence is tantamount to a second punishment, and therefore gravely violates Article 14 (7) of the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Vietnam acceded in 1982, which stipulates that : "no one shall be liable to be tried or punished again for an offence for which he has already been finally convicted and acquitted". l On 2nd September, Vietnam’s National Day, a 61-year-old farmer and leader of the Quang Nam Province Buddhist Youth Movement (Gia dinh Phat tu) Ho Tan Anh immolated himself in the central city of Danang to protest persecution against the UBCV. In letters addressed to President George Bush, the UN Secretary General and other world leaders, which he sent through my Committee in Paris, Ho Tan Anh said he had set fire to his body to alert international opinion to persecution against all religious denominations in Vietnam. Police tried to cover up the incident, but his family found his body after hearing the report by my Committee broadcast over Radio Free Asia. In the aftermath, Police arrested Buddhist Youth leaders Vo Tan Sau, Dinh Ngoc Thu, Huynh Chung, Nguyen Quang Ca, Le Tan Hung, Nguyen Cam and subjected them to intensive interrogations. Their wives and children were also harassed and terrorised by the local Police. l On 11th November, 64-year-old Venerable Thich Nhat Ban was beaten unconscious and gravely wounded in the head by unidentified assailant acting in connivance with Security Police. The man, armed with a knife and a wooden club, told the monk to cease his support for the UBCV. Thich Nhat Ban had photographs taken of his wounds so he could lay a complaint, but the photos were confiscated by the local Police. l Buddhists are not the only victims of religious persecution. Throughout the year, religious followers from all denominations were brutally repressed for the peaceful expression of their beliefs. - In February-March the authorities deployed tanks, military troops and riot police to crush peaceful demonstrations of thousands of ethnic Christian Montagnards in the Central Highlands with incredible violence. The Montagnards were protesting official confiscation of land and the government’s classification of Protestantism as an “illegal religion”. Martial law has since been installed in the Central Highlands and a media black-out has been imposed. Hundreds of Montagnards have fled to Cambodia to seek political asylum, and many have been forcibly repatriated. At a closed trial on September 26, 2001, fourteen Montagnards were condemned to sentences of 6-12 years in prison for taking part in demonstrations in the provinces of Dak Lak and Gia Lai. Many were arrested and beaten in December 2001 as they gathered peacefully to celebrate Christmas ; - On October 19th 2001, 55-year-old Father Nguyen Van Ly, a Roman Catholic priest from the diocese of Hue in Central Vietnam was sentenced to 15 years in prison and 5 years probationary detention at a one-day, closed trial in Hue on charges of “undermining national solidarity”. He had been arrested on May 17 and detained incommunicado for 5 months on charges of “blackening socialist Vietnam and distorting the party and state policies” because he had urged the U.S. Congress in a written testimony to postpone approval of the US-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement. Father Ly had previously spent 10 years in prison for his religious beliefs ; - Several members of the Hoa Hao Buddhist sect were arrested and detained in 2001 for taking part in celebrations of their founder, the prophet Huynh Phu So : Truong Van Duc and Ho Van Truong were sentenced respectively to 12 and 4 years in prison by a court in An Giang Province on May 11th 2001. The above cases are not isolated incidents, nor are they due to excesses committed by overzealous Security Police or local officials. The fact is that religious persecution is a State Policy in Vietnam today, orchestrated at the highest echelons of the Communist Party and the government. It is this policy, which imposes the monopoly of Marxist-Leninism as a State religion, which is the real impediment to religious freedom in Vietnam.
A glimpse at Vietnam’s legislation illustrates how deeply the
seeds of religious persecution are implanted in domestic law. The 1992
Constitution guarantees religious freedom but states that “no-one can… misuse
belief and religion to contravene the law and State policies” (Article 71).
Religious Decree 26, adopted in 1999, guarantees the same freedom but warns
that “all activities using religious belief in order to oppose the State of
the Socialist Republic of Vietnam… will be punished in conformity with the law”
(Article 5). The exercise of religious freedom is further restricted
by a whole range of legislation under the catch-all notion of “endangering
national security”. The 1986 Vietnamese Criminal Code provides prison
sentences of up to fifteen years for vaguely-defined offences such as ”sowing
division between religious believers and non-believers”... “undermining national
solidarity” (Article 87)” abusing democratic rights to encroach upon the
interests of the State” (Article 258a). Under Decree 31/CP on
“Administrative Detention” (adopted on 14.4.1997), local Police have
extrajudicial powers to arrest and detain anyone suspected of “threatening
national security” for up to two years without a Court order.
Religious freedom in Vietnam is thus conditioned to compliance
with the policies of the one-Party, Marxist-Leninist State – a State that is
fundamentally hostile to all religious beliefs. Such legislation enables
Vietnam’s leaders to jail prisoners of conscience as simple common criminals,
and to cynically claim in international forums that
“there are no religious or political prisoners in Vietnam”.
There can be no true religious freedom until such laws have been amended or repealed, and this fact must be publicly denounced. Vietnam is aware that it must move towards the rule of law in order to attract economic investment and aid. But it is seeking to do this by developing an increasingly sophisticated machinery of repression to give the regime a mantle of impunity, enabling it to persecute religious communities at home whilst reaping the benefits of economic and diplomatic relationships abroad. I believe it is therefore vital that Vietnam be placed on the State Department’s list of “countries of particular concern” so that, under the 1998 International Religious Freedom Act, the United States may adopt specific policies to promote religious freedom in Vietnam. The recent massive violations against all the religious communities more than justify such a step. In respect to the Buddhists in particular, I urge the United States to press Vietnam to: a) reestablish the legitimate status of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam, and guarantee it full freedom of religious activity ; b) immediately release the Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang and ensure that he may return to Saigon to receive urgent medical treatment ; c) lift the arbitrary “administrative detention” sentence on Nobel Peace Prize nominee Venerable Thich Quang Do, and restore his full religious and citizenship rights ; d) repeal or amend all legislation which restricts religious freedom and bring religious legislation into line with the provisions of the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which Vietnam is a State party. In particular, Article 4 of the Constitution on the mastery of the Communist Party should be abolished so that all religious and political families may equally participate in reconstructing a democratic and prosperous Vietnam. During a Congressional Hearing in May 2001 following the publication of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom’s Annual Report, Congressman Henry Hyde warned that if the United States did not stress the critical importance of religious freedom as part of the “normalization” process, it “risk[ed] sending a message to Hanoi that it doesn’t matter how brutally they treat their people; they will get what they want from the United States no matter what”. By pressing Vietnam to respect its binding international commitments and implement the above points, the United States will effectively combat State terrorism in Vietnam, and protect the victims of religious persecution.
Statement
of Dan Duy-Tu Hoang
Testimony Before the Subcommittee on
International Operations and Human Rights
Hearing on Communist Entrenchment and
Religious Persecution in China and Vietnam *** Dear Madame Chairman and Members of the Committee, It is a privilege to testify before you today on behalf of the Vietnamese-American Public Affairs Committee (VPAC), a national grassroots organization of Vietnamese American voters. VPAC is deeply concerned by the Socialist Republic of Vietnam’s monopoly on religious worship and persecution of religious leaders. My testimony will summarize these abuses through the example of several religious leaders and offer suggestions on what Congress could do to promote greater openness and religious liberty in Vietnam. Repression of Religion in Communist Vietnam At this moment, the Venerable Thich Huyen Quang, the 84-year old patriarch of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV) is confined to a pagoda in a remote area of central Vietnam, where he has been kept under house arrest for the last 20 years. His sole crime is to be the leader of a religious organization not sanctioned by the government. Just like there are newspapers in Vietnam but no freedom of the press, there are also religious organizations but no freedom of religion. This is because the government monopolizes all religious activity in organizations under its control. In Saigon, the deputy leader of the UBCV, Venerable Thich Quang Do, has been under house arrest since June 2001 with no prospect of a trial in sight. Under Hanoi’s administrative detainment policy issued in 1997 (“Directive 31/CP”), security forces can detain inpiduals for up to two years without charges (for what are renewable two year terms). Venerable Thich Quang Do’s apparent offense was to publicly announce that he would bring the UBCV’s ailing patriarch, Venerable Thich Huyen Quang, back to Saigon for urgent medical care. In a remote prison camp in northern Vietnam, Catholic priest Nguyen Van Ly is serving a 15-year jail sentence for “undermining the national unity.” What he had actually done was publicly call for religious freedom—including in written testimony for a hearing last year by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom in which Father Nguyen Van Ly urged the Congress to delay ratifying the Bilateral Trade Agreement until Hanoi eases restrictions on religion. Vietnamese authorities waited exactly two days after President Bush signed the BTA, when it convicted Father Nguyen Van Ly in a two-hour trial, without a defense lawyer, on October 19, 2001. These three cases epitomize the Socialist Republic of Vietnam’s repressive policy on religion:
And these are just a few examples. Vietnamese of other faiths like the Hoa Hao, Cao Dai, and Protestants continue to be persecuted also. Suggestions for Congress Clearly, human rights—including freedom of worship—are not an American concept or something that Americans invent for others. Rather, they are basic rights which Vietnamese themselves desire and of which many are risking their lives to achieve. The US Congress can and must play an active role in supporting aspirations for freedom. We in the human rights community were very heartened when earlier this year 48 Members of Congress—including the distinguished Chairwoman of this subcommittee, Rep. Chris Smith, and Rep. Adam Schiff—nominated two Vietnamese religious leaders, Buddhist monk Thich Quang Do and Catholic priest Nguyen Van Ly, for the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of their courage and sacrifices for freedom. We strongly appreciate such public expressions of support. Let me conclude by offering three actions to address religious persecution in Vietnam:
It is in the interest of the United States to encourage Vietnam’s progression into the community of nations. Such a progression, however, cannot be achieved in a climate of religious repression. Thank you again for the opportunity to testify today. |
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